Issue 2026 No. 3 (88)

This article explores a little-studied aspect of the functioning of the Government Herald newspaper in the early 20th century. New, previously unstudied archival sources from the holdings of the Main Directorate for Press Affairs of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Government Herald newspape ... r of the Russian State Historical Archive were used in researching this article. It is revealed that the Government Herald was the largest official government newspaper. It is determined that the newspaper's primary functions included informing government agencies, the population, and representatives of provincial and regional boards and offices about government actions and orders, as well as informing them about the performance of central government agencies. Based on sources, it is shown that the Information Bureau, established in August 1906, diminished the importance of the Government Herald as an information organ and facilitated the beginning of its reorganization in 1913. The updated structure of the Government Herald by department is examined in detail, and the newspaper's staff is characterized. The circulation dynamics of the Government Herald are shown, demonstrating that the reorganization of its structure and content did not significantly impact its popularity. It is noted that the Government Herald, unlike other government newspapers, was profitable.
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The article addresses the issue of representing the ethnopolitical conflict in the Kingdom of Poland at the end of the 19th century, using the coverage of the 1897 student unrest at the University of Warsaw by the Austro-Hungarian press as a case study. The research is based on an analysis of public ... ations in Kraków and Lviv newspapers, as well as administrative documents from the Russian State Historical Archive (RGIA). The study examines how various publications constructed narratives about the state of the ethnopolitical conflict between the Russian and Polish peoples, what methods of constructing reality they employed, and what attitudes towards the complex relationship between the two peoples they conveyed. The research identifies two main trends in the Austro-Hungarian press’s coverage of the conflict: support for Polish-Russian reconciliation and sympathy for the students, as well as criticism of reconciliatory tendencies and condemnation of the student protests. The paper emphasises that the true cause of the conflict was far more complex than the image constructed by the press: the Polish students, while expressing legitimate discontent, had no intention of inciting ethnic strife or raising sensitive political issues. The press, meanwhile, performed not only an informational but also an ideological function, significantly simplifying and polarising views on the unfolding events, often substituting the real causes of the events with emotionally charged interpretations.
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This article examines the struggle against the Skoptsy sect in the Russian Black Sea Fleet in the first half of the 19th century. In the early 19th century, the Skoptsy religious sect, founded by Kondraty Selivanov, became a serious problem for the official authorities of the Russian Empire. Skoptsy ... communities also existed in the Russian Navy. The Russian Naval Ministry and the Black Sea Fleet command sought to identify members of the Skoptsy sect and suppress their religious activities. Emperor Alexander I and the Governing Senate of the Russian Empire drew attention to the sect's existence. Documents from the Russian State Archive of the Navy (RGA VMF) reveal details of the identification and punishment of Skoptsy sect members by the Black Sea Fleet command. Members of the sect in the Black Sea Fleet included sailors of the first and second classes, quartermasters, clerks, bombardiers, naval mechanics, naval crew members, and ship and boat carpenters. Such a widespread involvement in naval professions testified to the widespread spread of the sect among the enlisted ranks of the Black Sea Fleet. Doctors from the Sevastopol Naval Hospital also actively participated in the fight against the sect, regularly conducting medical examinations for enlisted personnel. It should be noted that the history of the struggle against members of the Skoptsy sect in the Russian Empire, including in the army and navy, remains a little-studied topic in Russian historical scholarship.
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The relevance of this study stems from the increased interest of the scientific community in various economic strategies, including those successfully applied in the past. In this regard, the New Economic Policy, implemented by the USSR in the 1920s, has always attracted the keen interest of various ... scholars, including historians. The purpose of this article is to examine the results of applying the NEP economic model using the industry of a large region of the country – the Lower Volga region – as an example. The primary sources for this study are archival materials from the region's largest cities: Saratov and Volgograd, as well as statistical materials published in regional economic journals published in the 1920s and owned by provincial planning commissions. The research methodology is represented by a combination of general scientific research principles (systematicity, objectivity, historicism) and specific historical methods. The author of the study concludes that the implementation of the NEP reforms did not result in a qualitative industrial shift in the economy of the Lower Volga region; it remained an agrarian-industrial economy with a predominantly agricultural component. To rapidly implement economic restructuring, a different economic strategy was needed that would address the country's industrialization and defense readiness issues as quickly as possible.
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Artificial intelligence (AI) technologies are currently being applied in all areas of society, transforming industries and opening up new opportunities for innovation. Because AI systems are capable of recognizing, learning, planning, interacting with people and the environment, building models that ... synthesize data, and make predictions or decisions based on new data, the significance of their application in modern science and education is only growing. An analysis of open sources and case studies in foreign and domestic historical scholarship has demonstrated significant interest from both academic institutions and commercial organizations in integrating big data and deep learning technologies into historical document analysis projects. The results help identify new patterns in vast text collections. Although the Russian scientific community is cautious about the use of AI technologies and methods in the humanities, including Russian historical scholarship, researchers note the effectiveness of large language models for analyzing historical sources, combined with critical comparisons with traditional research methods. This article analyzes the use of generative neural networks in research projects at several universities and the integration of AI tools into the educational process at Moscow City Pedagogical University for the implementation of history programs. The risks and limitations of using AI services and generative neural networks in historical research and education are explored in detail.
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The relevance of the study is determined by the defining role of the national factor in modern socio-political processes in the post-Soviet space and the need to comprehend the historical experience of interethnic interaction in a multinational Russia. The aim of the study is a comprehensive analysi ... s of the implementation of state national policy in the Republic of Kalmykia during the period of perestroika and post-Soviet transformation in order to identify its impact on the formation of regional statehood and interethnic harmony. The methodological framework is based on the principles of historicism and systematicity, as well as historical-comparative and historical-typological methods. The source base includes normative legal acts, materials from the periodical press, and analytical notes reflecting the reaction of the authorities and public sentiments during the transition period. The study shows how the striving for the expansion of sovereignty in the early 1990s was transformed into the construction of a clear vertical of power and integration into the constitutional field of the Russian Federation without the loss of ethnic identity. It is substantiated that it was during the years of perestroika that the foundations of conflict-free interethnic and interfaith interaction in the region were laid. It is revealed that traditional religions, primarily Buddhism, acted not only as an object of cultural revival but also as the most important tool for the social stabilization of society. It is emphasized that the adoption of the Declaration of Sovereignty and the Steppe Code ensured the transition to a modern model of governance and adaptation to the all-Russian «vertical» while maintaining stability and civil harmony.
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The main purpose of the work is to substantiate post-Soviet neopatrimonial research as a special field in political comparative studies, which began to be actively formed in the first decades of the 21st century. Using the method of historical retrospect, the author examines the main stages of the f ... ormation of this field in foreign and Russian political science, characterizes its current state and prospects for further development. The author hypothesizes that the neopatrimonial approach has now become a real alternative to Western «transitology», being an effective means of research and comparative analysis of the political systems of post-communist states. To prove this hypothesis, the author conducted a critical analysis of the scientific literature characterizing the content of the neo-patrimonial approach and the concepts of political development of post-Soviet states developed on its basis. There are great differences in the views of researchers on the nature of neopatrimonialism, the effectiveness of neopatrimonial practices, and the criteria for classifying neopatrimonial systems. All this actualizes the discussion about neopatrimonialism and contributes to the enrichment of scientific knowledge in this field. At the same time, the author draws attention to the need to institutionalize this scientific field in Russia and create the research infrastructure necessary for conducting neopatrimonial research. In conclusion, the main objectives of post-Soviet neo-patrimonial research are formulated, which should contribute to the development of effective political development strategies needed by many post-communist states today.
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Russophobia and, more broadly, xenophobia is considered in the article as a social attitude – a complex socio-psychological education, including cognitive, affective and behavioral components (knowledge – emotion – action). The definition of Russophobia as xenophobia in relation to Russians as beare ... rs of Russian citizenship, language, culture and historically determined political views shared by the majority of the country's population is given. An important conclusion is the actual absence of an economic factor in the formation of Russophobia, which does not allow it to be leveled with the help of economic tools. Next, the mechanisms of formation of Russophobia at the level of an individual and social groups, actualized in the process of interpersonal interaction, are analyzed. There is no doubt about the importance of individual representations for the formation of behavioral patterns in relation to phenomena and processes occurring in the world around them. The conclusion is made about the deliberate imposition of Russophobia in the countries of the "collective West", since the maintenance of certain narratives requires constant ideological and substantive support, which cannot be spontaneously maintained in conditions of weak interpersonal and interinstitutional contacts. Based on the characteristics of the social attitude as a socio-psychological phenomenon, a conclusion is drawn about the stability of Russophobia as a system of views of social groups and societies and the presence of objective difficulties in overcoming it. A revision of a social attitude is possible when its subject experiences cognitive dissonance, which arises in the case of an alternative information and is considered as a form of intrapersonal conflict. The institutional and structural levels of Russophobia, which are manifested, respectively, in the activities of social institutions and public policy in general, are also considered in general terms, and the conclusion is substantiated about the destructive role of propagated Russophobia in the processes of achieving peace.
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The aim of the article is to identify the role of the unity of the religious and the political in the Islamic tradition as an epistemological foundation for the formation of fundamentalist doctrines. The methodological framework of the study includes comparative-historical, systemic, and structural- ... functional approaches. The sources comprise works of classical and contemporary Islamic and Western political thought addressing the issues of Sharia, Islamic law, and political theory. Particular attention is paid to studies that reveal the specificity of the Islamic understanding of social and political reality. The study demonstrates that the Islamic tradition lacks the category of an autonomous political sphere, while the social order is formed within a unified religious-normative system. It is shown that this framework has not only an institutional but also an epistemological character, shaping the structure of political thought. It is argued that the absence of a concept of the secular predetermines the specificity of the interaction between religion and politics. It is established that fundamentalism represents a reaction to an epistemological rupture caused by modernization. The article concludes that fundamentalism functions as a form of reproduction of the traditional model under new historical conditions.
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The article examines the influence of Buddhist values on the formation of economic priorities in the context of seeking alternatives to the dominant model of ever-increasing consumption and intensifying competition. Based on an analysis of the discussion materials from the economic session of the II ... I International Buddhist Forum in Elista (Republic of Kalmykia), which involved representatives of the academic community, business, and Buddhist clergy from Russia, India, China, and Japan, the study identifies key concepts of Buddhist ethics (interdependence, the Middle Way, compassion, the practice of generosity) applicable to economic activity. It is shown that the Buddhist approach does not entail a rejection of material well-being but rather its redefinition through the lens of motivation and activity aimed at serving the common good. The article presents an empirical analysis of Japanese corporate practices, the Chinese experience of integrating Buddhist values into entrepreneurship and public policy, as well as Russian cases of socially oriented business. It also reveals the cooperation initiative for systematizing and disseminating Buddhist economic practices in the form of the International Buddhist Business Club. Special attention is paid to the political dimension of the forum: its role is analyzed as an instrument of Russia's Buddhist diplomacy in the context of the foreign policy turn to the East, strengthening ties with Buddhist countries of Asia, and positioning the Russian Federation as a global Buddhist center. The authors' study of the forum participants' current views on the modern economy through the prism of Buddhism complements existing academic perspectives on this topic, contributing to their development. The research employs institutional, functional, political-economic, and cultural-anthropological methods, as well as a qualitative content analysis of the discussion video.
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The relevance of this article stems from the active transformation of social systems in the modern world and the new challenges facing Russia's social policy system, which should be grounded in traditional values. This article provides an in-depth analysis of the place and role of social policy in t ... he system of state policy of the Russian Federation. The research is carried out through the prism of historical and civilizational foundations, which makes it possible to identify key patterns and trends in the development of this area of government activity. The method of historical analogies, as well as a retrospective analysis, is used as reference research methods. Special attention is paid to the historical aspects of the formation of social policy in the context of Russian statehood, as well as the influence of civilizational factors on its evolution and current state. It is proved that the concept of «social policy», formulated only at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, is a logical development of the primordial functions of power in the context of understanding the civilizational role of the Russian state. Based on the analysis of the views of thinkers and key social reforms, a stable public demand for social justice is revealed as a system-forming principle in the relations between the government and the people.
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As humanity develops, the use of military force becomes increasingly difficult due to the complexity of international relations. As a result, many countries have begun to use cultural and moral mechanisms to influence states and international institutions. This phenomenon has not gone unnoticed by s ... cholars, that led to the emergence of the concept of «soft power» in the academic community. China was one of the first countries that recognized the importance of using «soft power» to achieve its goals in the international arena. As part of this approach, Beijing is using the media industry, cinema, sports, science, and education. China is also giving higher education a leading role in promoting its interests at the regional and global levels. In this article, the author analyzes the reasons and role of higher education in shaping soft power and promoting it in Southeast Asia. In the preparation of this work, numerous studies by foreign and domestic specialists were analyzed, which made it possible to identify new aspects of the problem under consideration.
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The relevance of the research is determined by the need to study the strategic cultures of the countries of the world, especially those with a long history of existence and military tradition. Such an interest led to the choice of Great Britain and its strategic culture as one of the longest-existin ... g countries and continuing attempts to realize its own global ambitions. The purpose of the article is to analyze the essence and content of British strategic culture. The scientific novelty lies in the study of the current state of British strategic culture and the comparison of the latter with the strategic cultures of the Scandinavian and Baltic countries. The main research methods are a retrospective analysis to understand the genesis of British strategic culture, qualitative content analysis to study the main geostrategic documents of modern Britain, as well as comparative analysis to identify common and special features of the strategic cultures of Britain and the Baltic countries. As a result of the study, it was revealed that the analysis of the British documents of 2025 shows a shift in strategic culture from the ambitions of «Global Britain» to pragmatic realism, focusing on collective defense through NATO and national resilience due to the aggravation of the migration issue. In addition, based on the results of a comparison of the strategic culture of Britain and the countries of the Baltic-Scandinavian region, it can be said that the British strategic culture differs significantly from the North Baltic in terms of ambitions, but in recent years they have been rapidly converging in terms of threats.
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The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the increasing role of the countries of the «Global South» as a key actor in the transforming system of international relations. The relevance of the topic is determined by the significant potential of these countries, as well as changes in global dip ... lomacy in the context of increasing multipolarity. As a representative case, the international association BRICS+ is being studied, which is considered not only as an economic bloc, but also as the institutional core of the emerging multipolar world. Based on the analysis of economic indicators and the dynamics of trade and economic cooperation between the participating countries (including the new member States – Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia) and the Russian Federation, key vectors and drivers of integration are identified. Systematic and structural-functional methods allowed us to identify the characteristic features of the development of the countries of the Global South and the dynamics of institutional changes. Extensive use of statistical data and their secondary processing allowed the authors to analyze important strategic aspects, such as the de-dollarization of settlements, the development of independent trade and logistics infrastructure, and the financing of joint projects through the New Development Bank (NDB). The authors conclude about the determinant role of BRICS+ in the integration processes of the Global South and its synergetic effect.
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The article examines migration diplomacy as an independent output of states’ foreign policy activity in the context of the growing politisation of cross-border mobility and the securitisation of migration processes. The relevance of the study stems from the need for a theoretical understanding of th ... e practices through which migration issues are used as an instrument of interstate interaction, as illustrated by the EU agreements with Turkey (2016) and Serbia (2022), as well as the instrumentalisation of migrants in Morocco (2021). The aim of the paper is to advance theoretical and methodological approaches in analysing migration diplomacy through the systemisation of existing concepts and their further interpretation through within the framework of international relations theory. The methodological foundations of the research comprise of comparative analysis method, conceptual modeling, and elements of discourse analysis. The source base encompasses contemporary publications on migration and international relations, as well as materials from bilateral and multilateral agreements. As a result, the paper provides a systematised evolution of the concept, from empirical observations to the notion of “migration power”. The limitations of classical approaches (realism, liberalism, and constructivism) in explaining the complex nature of migration diplomacy are indicated. It is argued that the analytical tools of the English School of international relations – namely the concept of “international society”, the debate between solidarists and pluralists, and the theory of primary institutions – provide the most comprehensive framework for revealing the dual nature of migration diplomacy, which combines elements of coercion and cooperation. The proposed approach outlines a promising direction for examining the role of migration in the context of the transformation of the international society.
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This article analyzes Russian-Chinese interregional and cross-border cooperation. The relevance of the study is determined by objective geopolitical factors, foremost among which are Russia's political and economic reorientation toward the East, the deterioration of China's relations with the United ... States and Europe, and the increasing responsibility of the Russian Federation and China for maintaining stability in the region and globally. The article examines the conceptual characteristics of the terms «cross-border cooperation,» «transborder cooperation,» and «interregional cooperation.» In accordance with limology as a science about borders, it is concluded that the most relevant concept describing the ongoing processes is «interregional and cross-border cooperation,» which refers to political, economic, social, and cultural interactions both between regions of a single country and between different states. This article analyzes the legal framework for Russian-Chinese interregional and cross-border cooperation, which includes, on the one hand, interstate treaties and agreements, and, on the other, the activities of the relevant bodies responsible for implementing a set of measures to promote interaction in this area. Examples of how Russian-Chinese interregional and cross-border cooperation is reflected in the Russian media are provided. The conclusion is made that the strong historical framework of Russian-Chinese interregional and cross-border cooperation is currently deepening and expanding, with the countries coordinating their political and economic efforts in response to the changing geopolitical situation. The article outlines future research prospects, including an analysis of interregional and cross-border cooperation between Russia and China using specific regions as examples, as well as a description of existing problem areas in this process.
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The article analyzes the process of NATO's eastern enlargement and its impact on the European security system from 1999 to 2026. The relevance of the study is due to the need to rethink the role of the North Atlantic Alliance in the context of the transformation of the European security architecture ... and the increasing risks of direct military and political confrontation between Russia and NATO. The purpose of the study is to identify the contradictions of NATO's expansion policy, assess the risks associated with it for the European member states, and justify the need for a change in the paradigm of international security. The author identifies eleven waves of the Alliance's expansion, tracing the evolution of Russia-NATO relations from rapprochement attempts in the 1990s–2000s to open confrontation. Special attention is paid to the militarization of Europe, the deployment of US missile defense systems and intermediate-range missiles, as well as the buildup of US nuclear capabilities on the European continent. Based on the analysis of military doctrines, official statements, and statistical data, the author concludes that the US-led NATO enlargement policy has led to a system of constraints for European member states, including risks of sovereignty loss, economic and legal costs, and a paradoxical decrease in their level of security. The scientific novelty of the research lies in a comprehensive analysis of eleven waves of NATO enlargement (including the accession of Finland and Sweden in 2023–2024) and the author's concept of «coalitional pluralism» as an alternative model of a multipolar world order based on institutionalized military-political blocs rather than on individual nation-states or civilizations. In the long term, the arms race tendency persists, increasing the likelihood of a direct military conflict between Russia and NATO.
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The weakness of the military potential of Russia's CSTO allies may raise serious doubts about its significance for the Russian side. The purpose of this article is to consider the military capabilities of the Russian CSTO allies and the need for this organization to defend Russian interests. The aut ... hor notes the great elaboration of the documentation of the organization's work and the weakness of the practical application of the CSTO. Moreover, the limited military capabilities of the allies cast doubt on the need for the CSTO for the Russian side. However, using the system analysis method allows us to find the benefits of the CSTO for Russia as well. Despite the fact that Russia is the main guarantor of the security of the CSTO countries, but not its main consumer, Russia has military facilities on the territory of the allied countries (radio communication centers, airfields, military bases, etc.), and also has production and logistics links inherited from the Soviet era. The problem of the lack of block discipline, which greatly weakens the organization, raises the question of the expediency of changing the format of Russia's work to ensure security in the post-Soviet space. However, given the difficult international situation, the extensive body of documents on the organization's work, as well as statements by the political leaders of the CSTO countries, the authors are inclined to believe that no change in the format of Russia's relations with its allies will occur.
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The relevance of the study stems from the insufficient examination of interactions among electoral management bodies within multilateral platforms as a distinct format of electoral diplomacy. The article aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the activities of the Inter-American Union of Electo ... ral Bodies (UNIORE), focusing on its history, organizational structure, and practical implementation of functions. The methodological framework includes analytical methods and a case study approach. The sources comprise UNIORE’s founding documents, conference and mission materials, as well as scholarly works on analogous organizations. The findings indicate that UNIORE, established in 1991, is a non-governmental structure uniting state electoral bodies and operating through «soft coordination» mechanisms, adopting non-binding recommendations. The organization’s most significant function is international election observation (over 320 missions), covering the entire electoral cycle: pre-electoral phase, election day, and post-electoral assessment. A specialized online observer school has been created to professionalize observation. The functions of establishing international electoral standards and participating in the drafting of electoral legislation are not typical for UNIORE. The organization’s activities enhance the legitimacy of electoral processes and facilitate knowledge exchange among national electoral administrations while respecting the sovereignty of member states.
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The relevance of this study stems from the fact that security in the Caspian region is increasingly linked to the control of cross-border flows, the stability of transport corridors, the protection of energy and port infrastructure, and the fight against terrorism and transnational crime. The aim of ... this article is to define the role of the Council of Border Troop Commanders in shaping the Eurasian security architecture of the Caspian region. The study is based on an institutional approach, a comparative analysis of publicly available CIS documents, materials from the CIS Executive Committee and the CIS Anti-Terrorism Centre, reports on Council meetings, as well as academic and analytical works on Caspian security. Methodologically, the focus is on comparing the Council’s formal powers with the practices of inter-agency coordination. It is demonstrated that the Council is not a universal regulator of the Caspian Sea and does not replace national border services. Its significance lies in the regular exchange of information, the harmonisation of threat assessments, the preparation of joint actions, personnel cooperation, and long-term programme planning. It is concluded that border security in the Caspian Sea constitutes a practical element of the Eurasian security architecture, as the stability of routes, ports, coastal territories and critical infrastructure depends on coordination between border agencies.
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The relevance of the research is due to the rapid penetration of artificial intelligence technologies into all spheres of human life, which calls into question the preservation of human subjective qualities. Increased dependence on intellectual systems is accompanied by a transformation of patterns ... of thinking and behavior, affecting the processes of self-identification and self-actualization of the individual. The purpose of the study is to identify the risks of transformation of human subjective qualities in the context of the development of artificial intelligence and to develop conceptual foundations for the preservation of its subjectivity. The theoretical and methodological basis of the research was made up of works in the field of philosophy, psychology and social theory devoted to the problem of intelligence and subjectivity (G. Y. Eysenck, J. Piaget, D. Wexler, K. H. Momjian, M. Heidegger, V. Frankl, etc.). The methods of conceptual analysis, discourse analysis, as well as elements of historical and philosophical reconstruction. The substantial-activity approach is used as a methodological basis for the interpretation of subjectivity. As a result of the study, it was found that the spread of artificial intelligence is accompanied by a tendency to delegate mental functions, which leads to a decrease in the level of reflection and a weakening of the goal-setting activity of the subject. It is justified that the identification of artificial and human intelligence is limited and requires clarification at the conceptual level. It is shown that the key condition for preserving subjectivity is the ability to make meaningful goal-setting and value choice. The substantial-activity concept of self-identification and self-actualization has been developed, in which the subject is considered as an active carrier of reflexive and value-oriented activity.
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This study is motivated by the growing influence of mass culture on the dissemination of «better life» narratives among audiences. Cinema actively circulates social myths, shaping the value orientations and life strategies of its viewers. The article presents a comparative analysis of the representa ... tion of the «better life» social myth in contemporary cinema, drawing on two case studies: Squid Game (South Korea) and Money Heist (Spain). The analysis examines the narrative structures and key symbolic figures of both series. The methodology combines comparative analysis with an examination of the sociocultural and historical contexts of the respective producing countries. It accounts for the economic, political, and cultural realities of South Korea (including the chaebol phenomenon and entrenched structural inequality) and Spain (including traditions of resistance, religiosity, and the ambivalence of national character). The analysis reveals that both series tap into a deep-seated human desire for a radical reversal of fortune, yet construct divergent pathways toward the «better life.» In Squid Game, this pathway is rendered as a a lethal sacrifice undertaken by the desperate and dispossessed, a choice that resonates with the culturally specific sense of resigned hopelessness captured by the concept of han and with the weight of social stigma. In Money Heist, the protagonists pursue the «better life» through systemic rebellion, casting themselves as Robin Hood figures and aestheticising collective defiance. The study concludes that cinema amplifies the affective force of social myth through audience emotional investment, while the specific content of mythological representation is directly conditioned by national mentality and sociohistorical context.
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The article presents an interdisciplinary socio-philosophical analysis of platform capitalism as a key factor in the transformation of modern social reality. It is argued that the digital platform is not merely a business model, but a new intermediary infrastructure that radically restructures the o ... ntological foundations of social being. The main theoretical approaches to the definition and typology of platforms (N. Srnicek, J. van Dijck, J. Tirole, C. Fuchs, B. Bratton, etc.), as well as the genesis of platform capitalism in the context of the «long downturn,» neoliberalism, and surveillance capitalism (S. Zuboff) are examined. Special attention is paid to the conceptual and methodological foundations of research: political-economic, socio-ontological, poststructuralist, psychopolitical (Byung-Chul Han), pharmacological (B. Stiegler), and postcolonial approaches. The mechanisms of algorithmic power, datafication, commodification of the social, digital colonization, algorithmic subalternity, and epistemic violence are analyzed. The specifics of the Russian model of platform capitalism are shown in the context of the struggle for digital sovereignty, the development of national platforms, and resistance to global dependency. It is substantiated that platform capitalism is formed at three levels of social reality – objective, subjective, and sociocultural – generating both constructive (economic growth, accessibility of services) and destructive effects (precarization, digital mythologization, threats to sovereignty and identity). The necessity of an interdisciplinary synthesis is emphasized to overcome technological determinism and to develop strategies of digital sovereignty, symbolic literacy, and alternative (cooperative, decentralized) platform models.
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The spread of digital platforms and algorithmic systems renews the question of the limits of instrumental rationality in politics. Posing it adequately requires reconstructing the tradition in which substituting technical calculation for political decision-making became a normative ideal. The articl ... e identifies the common technocratic foundation of the Western «deideologization» (the «end of ideology») and the Soviet «scientific management of society», and reconstructs the conceptual continuity between this paradigm and algorithmic governance (algocracy). Methodologically the study combines Scott’s «high modernism» with critical social theory (Marcuse, Habermas), Mouffe’s theory of the political, and the historical sociology of Soviet cybernetics (Gerovitch, Peters); the analysis of algocracy draws on Zuboff, Srnicek, Varoufakis, and Pasquale. The two emerge as functionally isomorphic configurations of high modernism, united by a drive toward the exhaustive calculability of reality and a commitment to social engineering that opens onto depoliticization. Both reduce practical, situationally adaptive knowledge (metis) to formalizable parameters of governance. It concludes that in the algorithmic age this logic undergoes a technological mutation: metis is commodified and expropriated by platforms, driving the subject’s gradual cognitive and professional deskilling, while technocracy’s asymmetry of transparency – the visibility of the governed against the opacity of the governing apparatus – intensifies. Depoliticization becomes embedded in the architecture of the digital environment, depriving the subject of space to articulate political alternatives democratically.
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This article examines humanity's fundamental aspiration to foresee and construct the future. The author analyzes the profound crisis of technogenic civilization, where the dominance of science and technology leads to a paradox: the accumulation of power is accompanied by a loss of control over conse ... quences, generating environmental threats and risks associated with the development of artificial intelligence. The information society intensifies this tendency, blurring the boundaries between the real and the virtual and turning knowledge into a commodity. The article identifies an anthropological crisis stemming from the loss of spiritual guidelines and the replacement of ethics with pragmatism. Among the global threats identified are nuclear war, ecological collapse, and digital inequality. The solution requires a transition to holistic, ecological thinking. Special attention is paid to the role of religion and ethics as necessary counterbalances to technogenic one-sidedness. Buddhism is considered a relevant alternative to Western consumerism, offering a path of mindfulness, non-violence, and the reduction of egoistic attachments. It is concluded that the future is not predetermined by technological dynamics but constitutes a field of ethical responsibility. Technological progress has no meaning without moral development. It is emphasized that the formation of spirituality requires sustained efforts in upbringing at all stages of education. The salvation of civilization is possible through a new «project of meaning,» entailing a rejection of unrestrained growth in favor of the values of life, compassion, and unity. True progress consists in the harmonious combination of reason, conscience, and responsibility towards future generations, where technologies do not replace humanity.
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The relevance of this study stems from the transformation of branding in the digital age, where it evolves from a marketing tool into a complex existential project bound up with the search for identity and meaning. The aim of the paper is to identify and philosophically analyze the existential meani ... ngs of branding and the phenomenon of the human brand. The research methodology is based on comparative analysis and systematization of the concepts advanced by key representatives of existential philosophy (J.-P. Sartre, M. Heidegger, A. Camus, F. Nietzsche, M. Buber), as well as on a critical review of contemporary Russian and international scholarship on branding and digital culture. The findings establish that branding is an ambivalent process which, on the one hand, opens up possibilities for self-realization as a form of resistance to the absurd, and, on the other, harbors the risk of losing authenticity under the pressure of external expectations and algorithms. It is demonstrated that genuine branding requires a conscious balance between the freedom of self-determination and responsibility for the image being created. It is further shown that cultural context determines the specificity of the existential meanings of branding: Western models emphasize individualism and rebellion, while the Russian tradition is oriented toward collective being. The main conclusion is that branding can be conceptualized as one of the existentially charged projects of modernity, in which freedom, responsibility, and courage remain the conditions of authentic existence.
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Contemporary research in the philosophy of dance often oscillates between semiotic analysis and ontological approaches, with insufficient attention paid to the profound influence of philosophical systems. This study aims to systematically investigate how Buddhist philosophy within Silk Road culture, ... particularly its view of the body, participated in constructing the bodily language and aesthetic principles of traditional Chinese dance, using the Flying Apsaras dance of Dunhuang as a primary case. Through philosophical analysis and iconological methods, this research deconstructs the artistic forms found in Dunhuang murals and related historical texts. Through philosophical analysis and iconological method, the work deconstructs the artistic forms presented in the Dunhuang murals and relevant historical texts. The results show the influence of Buddhism on three levels of philosophical construction: Ontology – the concepts of «anatman» (no-self) and «pratītyasamutpāda» (dependent origination) deconstruct bodily substance, rethinking the body as a dynamic, empty «body-process.» Aesthetics and Dynamics – the wisdom of «yuanrong» (harmonious unity) forms the fundamental kinetic archetype, characterized by circular trajectories, S-shaped lines, and the «three bends» body formula. Epistemology and Function – dance transcends the function of entertainment, becoming an embodied expression of «corporeal thinking» and a practice of spiritual self-cultivation. In conclusion, it is argued that the Buddhist understanding of the body not only inspired artistic content but also systematically participated in the formation of the unique bodily language and aesthetic paradigm of Chinese classical dance, integrating spiritual transcendence into dynamic bodily form
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Political culture is a unique phenomenon that reveals the substantive and dynamic characteristics of the political sphere. The relevance of research on political culture is directly related to the need to understand the direction of political processes, measure them, and evaluate them. Political cul ... ture determines politics and social life, allows us to draw historical lessons, and provide adequate assessments of objective political reality. Since the 1950s, researchers from various countries and national scientific schools have been striving to comprehend the essence and various aspects of this phenomenon. There is no doubt that political culture helps to reveal the substantive and dynamic characteristics of the political sphere. It is clear that political culture is, on the one hand, a part of universal human culture, which gives it all the attributes of this phenomenon, and on the other hand, it is an integral part of the political sphere of human life.
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The article presents a political portrait of the Governor of the Astrakhan Region, Anatoly Petrovich Guzhvin, who would have celebrated his 80th birthday on March 25, 2026. The article also highlights the high praise given to A.P. Guzhvin for his diverse activities in an interview with the current G ... overnor of the Astrakhan Region, I. Yu. Babushkin. The article also provides a detailed, engaging biography of Anatoly Petrovich, the first native of Astrakhan to hold the position of governor of the region. The article focuses primarily on A.P. Guzhvin as a politician who led the region during its most difficult years, from the early 1990s until his death in 2004. Vivid examples of his multifaceted activities are provided, convincingly demonstrating that he was a representative of the regional political elite only in name. In essence, however, and in the quality of his activities, he was a state-level politician. Much attention is paid to A.P. Guzhvin's patriotic views. The authors of this article present their personal recollections, as they knew him through their work. The article draws extensively on his memoirs, «A Man for All Seasons,» edited by Yuri Nikitin and published in 2006 to commemorate his 60th birthday. Research by scholars specializing in elitism is also included.
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