Issue 2023 No. 3 (76)

The rebellion of Stepan Razin destroyed the tsarist administration in the territories of the Volga region. The power of the rebellious Cossacks, peasants, and urban residents was established there for a short period of time. The main goal of this article is to study how this power was structured. Th ... e main source of information is the interrogations of the rebels. During interrogations, they were rarely asked about the power structure in the rebel territories. For this reason, the information is fragmentary and incomplete. This study attempts to recreate a comprehensive picture of the power structure of the rebels, which has not been done since Soviet historiography. The Cossack krug (circle) and the institution of ataman power were the main governing bodies of the Cossacks. They attempted to bring these forms of power from the Don to the rebellious cities of the Volga region. Throughout the rebellion, the balance of power and opportunities between these two institutions, as well as the social composition of the rebels, changed. Due to this, the power structure in the Middle and Lower Volga regions differed. The participation of different categories of the population in the popular movement and the geographic specificity of the Volga basin, where the actions of the rebels took place, determined the power structure in the areas under their control. The Lower Volga region differs in that it boasts few cities. As a result, the large garrisons of Don Cossacks left behind by Stepan Razin played an active role in creating governance institutions. In the Middle Volga region, there were fewer Don Cossacks, and for this reason, urban residents played a decisive role in capturing and establishing power.
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The article examines the place of the Western Caspian Sea in the foreign policy of Russia of the Peter the Great era on the basis of archival documents and special historical literature, pays attention to the intelligence activities of Russian envoys in Persia, their role in the study and collection ... of information of a military-political, geographical and economic nature concerning theCaucasus region. It is stated that at the beginning of the XVIII century, the North Caucasus turned from a peripheral direction into an independent vector of the foreign policy of Peter the Great Russia. The analysis of the political situation in the Caucasus-Caspian region in the process of the decline of the Safavid state and the strengthening of the Ottoman-Russian contradictions for spheres of influence here is carried out. The emphasis is placed on the plans of the Russian monarch Peter I for the development of natural and economic resources of the Caspian provinces of Persia. It is emphasized that the military intelligence missions of Russian embassies in the region were an important link in the process of developing the Western Caspian. The information received during the military-diplomatic missions in Persia gave the Russian government a clear picture of the economic and military-political state of the region, and allowed it to build an algorithm of actions in planning strategic plans for the upcoming campaign in the Caspian Sea. It is concluded that during the strengthening of the Ottoman-Russian contradictions in the Caucasus-Caspian region, the final transition of local rulers to a pro-Russian foreign policy orientation is taking place, which was an important prerequisite in the preparation of Peter I's Persian campaign.
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The article deals with the formation and development of the system of values of the political elite in Russia. The relevance of studying this issue is explained by the fact that its disclosure will allow a better understanding of the mechanisms of interaction between the elite and civil society and ... state institutions. The aim of the work is to reveal the most significant characteristics of the values and ideals of the political elite in Russia, starting from the pre-Petrine era and up to the end of the XIX century. The sources used are official documents that indicate changes in the status of the Russian aristocracy. Of great importance are also sources that directly reflect the requirements that were imposed on the behavior of representatives of the nobility. A striking example of this kind of sources can be the “Honest Mirror of Youth” published under Peter I. Sources of personal origin were also used, which reflected the perception of the Russian nobles themselves of the norms and traditions of the estate. The results of the study make it possible to verify that the formation of value perceptions of the Russian political elite took place within the framework of general trends characteristic of European countries. We can talk about a gradual transition from the values of a purely military estate to the ideal of a versatile person who should be responsible to society in accordance with his high status. The specifics of the situation in Russia were that for a significant period of history, the Russian elite was much more dependent on the absolute power of the monarch, which manifested itself in a greater emphasis on the need to serve the ruling dynasty.
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The article studies the social effects of the implementation of state migration policy using the example of such population groups as industrial workers, small entrepreneurs and catchers, who mainly became those who arrived in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. migrants. The sources underlying ... this study were archival documents on the history of migration to the Volga-Caspian Fishing Region (VKRR) from the funds of the State Archives of the Astrakhan Region, regulatory documents from the Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire related to the topic under study, various materials and statistical data, published by researchers of the Volga-Caspian fishery in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Based on the material studied, the authors come to the conclusion that the social consequences of state migration policy during the period under study were contradictory. On the one hand, legislative changes in fishing rules undertaken by the government in the mid-1860s, against the background of the abolition of serfdom, led to a significant surge in labor migration to the region and, accordingly, the growth of unauthorized settlements in the lower reaches of the Volga and on the coast of the Caspian Sea, where catchers and fishing workers settled. On the other hand, the authorities, despite many years of efforts, were unable to legalize such settlements, thereby creating many social problems for their residents. The activities of government structures in the legislative sphere were in-consistent and contradictory. Using the legally controversial provisions of the Charter of the Caspian fisheries and sealing industries of May 25, 1865, large fishing companies, having bought up fisheries in the lower reaches of the Volga, became monopolists in the industrial production of the most valuable species of fish, in particular, Caspian herring. The government, although it struggled with a similar situation in the fishing industry, for example, by encouraging competition through supporting boat fishing, which was accessible to the poor, was nevertheless unable to cope with fishing monopolies and their negative impact on the development of fishing
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The relevance of the stated topic is due to the increased interest of modern researchers in the study of the history of Russian education in the late XIX – early XX centuries, including the problems of religious education in the system of women's secondary educational institutions. In this article, ... the author addresses the issue of participation of local clergy in the activities of the All-Russian and diocesan congresses of teachers of law of secular secondary educational institutions, created to solve organizational problems of the implementation of religious education, in particular in the system of women's education. The study is aimed at identifying the positions and opinions of the clergy of the Lower Volga region in relation to measures to reform the content of religious education and upbringing. The article is written on the basis of journalistic materials and office documentation. With the help of special historical methods (historical-genetic, historical-comparative), the author highlights the main problematic issues of the implementation of religious education.
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The relevance of the article lies in the fact that it explores one of the little-studied episodes of the Civil War in the Lower Volga region. The purpose of the study was, within the framework of the battle of the red and white troops for Tsaritsyn in the autumn of 1919, to consider the hostilities ... of the 11th Army of the Turkestan Front (from 14.10.1919 South-Eastern Front) Red Army south of Tsaritsyn in the Chernoyarsk direction from September to the end of October 1919.In particular, the author focuses on the offensive of the Red Army Tsaritsyn group, the battles at the Black Yar, and the hostilities near Tsaritsyn in October 1919. The main sources to trace the specific actions of the 11th Army of the Red Army are the documents of the State Archive of the Saratov Region Modern History (GANISO) discovered by the author and not previously introduced into scientific circulation, as well as a number of published documents that gave a general idea of the situation developed at the front near Tsaritsyn in the autumn of 1919. Principles and methods of scientific knowledge, both general scientific and special historical were used as the methodological basis of the study. As a result of the research, the reasons that made the command of the 11th army issue an order of August 24 on the early offensive of the Tsaritsyn group were defined.The problems that caused the inconsistency of actions of the command of the 11th Army and the Tsaritsyn groupcommand were revealed. It has been established that the main reasons for the unsuccessful offensive of the11th Army Tsaritsyno strike group were the delay in reaching the battlefield of the group’s units from the left bank of the Volga River and the haste of the front command, which accelerated the offensive without sufficient grounds.The further forced transition to defense was a natural consequence of the unsuccessful offensive undertaken in early September. Only at the end of October 1919, the 11th Army, already as part of the South-Eastern Front, launched an offensive in the Chernoyarsk directionagain.
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In the modern world, the development of the economy cannot be imagined without the use of refined products, therefore, the study of logistics schemes for the transportation of hydrocarbons, including in a historical context, is relevant. In this regard, the experience of organizing the transporta-ti ... on of bulk oil cargoes in the waters of the Caspian Sea is interesting, which since the beginning of the 20th century represented a large hub, a significant part of which was traffic flows for the transportation of crude oil and petroleum products. This article discusses the historical and economic experience of restructuring the work of maritime transport for the transportation of oil on the example of the Caspian offshore shipping company “Reidtanker”. The purpose of the article is to analyze the work of the Reidtanker shipping company in the late 1930s and early 1940s. The source base of the article was compiled, archival materials – market reviews, operational and annual reports on the main activities of the shipping company. The work used historical-genetic, historical-typological, historical-comparative research methods. The study showed that conducted in the late 1930s the reorganization of the maritime transport system for the transportation of oil products in the Caspian did not bring the expected positive results. Administrative reform was not supported by the modernization of the fleet, capital investments in the development of its infrastructure. Therefore, by the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, the Caspian offshore shipping company “Reidtanker” was experiencing serious logistical problems.
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The article is devoted to an insufficiently researched problem – the work of the transport infrastructure of rear cities during the Great Patriotic War. The Middle Volga cities played a significant role in ensuring victory, being the rear base of the Red Army. This explains the relevance of this stu ... dy. Urban transport was an essential part of the urban economic structure, but its importance is often underestimated. The purpose of the article is to determine the degree of impact of severe wartime conditions on the activities of urban transport enterprises, to assess the measures by which the city leadership achieved effective work. The article was written using unpublished materials from Samara, Penza and Ulyanovsk archival funds, which allowed us to fully recreate the picture of both everyday life and heroic labor of workers of transport enterprises of the Middle Volga region. Comparative-historical and problem-chronological methods were used in the work, which made it possible to identify the general and special in the historical events described and to consider in chronological sequence the hard work, failures and successes of the workers of transport enterprises. The material used shows that the activities of urban transport enterprises have become an important factor that made it possible to fully utilize the transport potential in the conditions of a severe war to achieve victory over nazi Germany.
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In modern conditions, it seems relevant to study the historical experience of industrial production restructuring based on the requirements of wartime. The purpose of the research is to characterize the main activities of the key industrial enterprises of Stalingrad at the initial stage of the Great ... Patriotic War and during the Battle of Stalingrad. The sources of the research were normative legal acts regulating the development of industry in wartime conditions, previously unpublished documents of the factories of Stalingrad producing military products, as well as manuscripts of the engineer of the Red October Plant P. N. Sporyshkov, stored in the fund of the museum of the Red October Plant. The structural and functional approach, the problem-chronological method allowed us to show the specifics of the work of industrial enterprises of Stalingrad in connection with the changing situation at the front. A number of conclusions were made in the course of the study. The industrial base of Stalingrad made it possible to quickly rebuild industrial production to meet the needs of the front. Enterprises made changes to the range of products, achieving significant qualitative and quantitative indicators. As the fighting approached, in the conditions of evacuation of production facilities and employees of enterprises to preserve their potential, the industry remaining in the city completely began to focus on providing the front, repairing military equipment, continuing to work during the Battle of Stalingrad.
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A significant territory of the USSR during the war period was occupied by Nazi troops. For a long time (from 1941 to 1944), the occupation regime existed in the North-West of the RSFSR. Not only adults, but also children became victims of the occupation policy. This determined the relevance of the s ... tudy of the problem of military childhood in the North-West of Russia and caused interest in it from researchers. The purpose of this study is to show the material and living situation of children and adolescents in the conditions of the Nazi occupation of the North-West of the RSFSR. The work is based on both archival and published sources. The research was based on archival materials, periodicals, memoirs. They cover issues of the organization of labor relations, the involvement of children in them, provides information on repressive measures against children of partisans, children participating in the anti-fascist struggle or suspected of having ties with patriots, children captured during punitive operations. The methodological basis of the research is the principles and methods of scientific cognition. The historical method, the method of analysis, induction and comparison are used in the work. One of the directions of the Nazi occupation policy was the extermination of the population by starvation. Insufficient food standards and robberies by the occupiers forced residents to look for illegal ways to earn money. The children performed work for the occupation authorities, participated in exchange operations in the markets of the region, begged. Children and teenagers were involved in forced labor in the territory of the region under consideration, and also, along with adults, were hijacked to Germany and the Baltic States.
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The relevance of the study is determined by the increasingly heated discussions regarding the effectiveness of the state scientific and technological policy in the Soviet period of national history. On the basis of currently declassified archival materials, an attempt was made to analyze the results ... of the technical re-equipment of the oil and gas industries in the USSR in the 1950s, to determine the legitimacy of management decisions, and to more accurately represent the scope of research work. The conclusion is drawn that the 1950s can be defined as a separate and completely independent stage in the history of the country's oil and gas complex, as it was distinguished by a change in priorities, including the introduction of the latest achievements in the extraction and processing of raw materials, and the intensification of scientific research. At the same time, there was still a significant lag (by 3–4 times) in the technical level of both the oil refining and oil-extracting industries in the USSR from the USA. However, the State Planning Commission, for example, in 1957, did not suppose overcoming this lag in the field of automating the oil industry. Despite the miscalculations made, a genuine scientific and technological revolution was unfolding in the industry. A powerful oil and gas complex was created, which was provided with highly qualified personnel, became a system-forming element of the national economy, largely influencing the rate of economic growth and the standard of living of the population.
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Socio-political and economic transformations in the history of China in the period from 1949 to 1990 had a significant impact on the development of large Chinese cities with a non-agricultural population of more than 2 million people. The population growth rate in the capital of the northeastern pro ... vince of Heilongjiang - Harbin was the highest. A favorable impact on the positive demographic dynamics of Harbin was provided by the processes associated with the fastest liberation of Harbin from the Japanese invaders in 1945, the accelerated implementation of land reform, the relocation of large factories from Liaoning province to Harbin during the Korean War (1950–1953), accelerated industrial construction with the help of the Soviet Union, the mobilization of highly qualified specialists from other provinces to ensure the industrial growth of Harbin, the policy of the Chinese government to expand the boundaries of the city of Harbin by annexing the counties of the Songhua region, the counties of the city of Jiamusi, as well as the unemployment of Harbin women in production and the dominance of traditional ideas about the importance of a large family. Since the founding of Harbin in 1898, this city has been considered a center of attraction for foreign citizens. But it was during the period from 1949 to 1990 that the number of foreign citizens, emigrants from Russia, Italy, France, Denmark, Israel, Mongolia, Sweden, Japan, Korea, Belgium, Austria, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Pakistan and Vietnam significantly decreased from 31 thousand to 201 foreigners. The history of the regional and demographic development of the capital of Heilongjiang province allows us to trace the socio-economic processes of evolution of the northeastern territory bordering Russia, which is strategically important for China.
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In the article, for the first time in historiography, on the basis of the personal fund of the head of the music broadcasting editorial office of the Kuibyshev television studio, a personal pensioner of local importance, Valentin Efimovich Shpichinets, which is stored in the Central State Archive of ... the Samara Region, the life and work of one of the founders of regional music television broadcasting is reconstructed. The novelty of the study based on source analysis, chronological and biographical methods lies in the fact that for the first time documents of the personal fund of V. E. Shpichinets F. R.-4040 are analyzed, its information potential and use cases are revealed. Particular attention is paid to the description of the structure of the fund, which contains 52 items of storage, dated from 1950 to 1995, the review of groups of documents, the characteristics of the species composition (clerical work, ego-documents, including dedicatory inscriptions, photographs, television broadcast scripts). It has been established that the materials of the fund make it possible to recreate the stages of the biography and activities of V. E. Shpichinets (military, educational, professional, public), whose working and retirement periods of life are associated with Kuibyshev (Samara). The documents demonstrate a wide range of business and personal connections of Shpichinets with well-known Soviet and some foreign composers, performers, singers, representatives of the theater and circus spheres. The names of the most popular musical television projects of Valentin Efimovich are given. It is determined that the diverse documents of the personal fund are promising in terms of further use in the study of the history of regional television, musical education, domestic musical culture of the second half of the 20th century, and so on.
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The transformations that are currently taking place in terms of citizens' understanding of the digital state, as well as the changes that digital reality brings to everyday practices, determine the relevance of this research. Topics of current interest become the study of possible threats and risks ... together with trust not only in the electronic state as a phenomenon, but also in political institutions. At the same time, there is a need to analyse how the idea of a digital state itself can be considered from the political mythology point of view. The goal of this article is to comprehend the phenomenon of the digital state from the perspective of its embodiment in a new emerging political myth. The article was written within the framework of the methodology of structuralism and the neo-institutional theory. The research is based on contemporary works in the field of the building of a digital state and Claude Levi-Strauss’s approach to mythology. The article uses analytical and descriptive methods. It is concluded that the development of Internet technologies is the answer, first of all, to everyday questions, which are seemingly unrelated to politics and power practices. The digital state simultaneously bears the features of a fairy-tale kingdom and a digital concentration camp, embodying two myths at once. In many ways, the policy of the real state determines how widely virtual reality will enter our everyday life.
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The purpose of this publication is an attempt to reconstruct the socio-political thought of the representative of regionalism N. M. Yadrintsev in the field of formulation and achievement of the basic goal of the state penitentiary (criminal-correctional) policy. The study is mainly based on the tool ... s of the political-textological method. On the basis of a hermeneutical analysis, it is shown that the social and political views of the Siberian publicist contain a humanistic ideal, according to which it is not advisable to apply punishments that cause extremely cruel suffering to correct a prisoner. Only the balance of legal influence and the ability of the offender to correct himself can socialize the offender, return him to society as a full-fledged member of society. The author found that humanism and morality as the basic concepts in the correction of criminals were formed in the worldview of the Siberian regionalist under the influence of Western political philosophy. Authoritative in the ideological sense for the Siberian intellectual were the names of Sh.L. Montesquieu, C. Beccaria, I. Bentham, G. Spencer, and many French enlighteners and encyclopedists. In the ideological and political heritage of an adherent of democratic regionalism, the concept of re-education of prisoners was formulated by means of public patronizing influence. The article also notes that the Siberian educator associated the goals of the state policy in the field of punishment execution not so much with punitive and intimidating principles, but with moral and corrective foundations. The main emphasis of the thinker-publicist was on the consistent mitigation of the measure of criminal punishment. Such an approach would contribute to the humanization of society.
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The article analyzes the phenomenon of patriotism, which is presented as a kind of subculture, and not only as an ideological identity or mindset. The main structural components of the patriotic subculture are highlighted. The variety of manifestations of patriotism in a complex society (composition ... al, moral, ascriptive patriotism) is shown. The tools of formation of patriotic conscious-ness and behavior (patriotic education, education, information, correction) are considered. The authors note that the social community with which ideology is identified is the supra-party political front, situ-ationally uniting the activists of political movements and parties focused on the full restoration and protection of national sovereignty in all its main aspects – political, economic, cultural, territorial. Ap-plied to such an entity as the National Front, this, of course, is primarily civic patriotism. The article also points to a sufficiently diverse picture of ideas, definitions, concepts of patriotism, which allows us to talk about patriotic discourse, which is massively spreading primarily in the era of modernization, within which modern socio-political and economic dynamics are being formed, leading to mass and world wars and macro-social competition, acutely the required mobilization vector of action, organizing huge masses of people and, at the same time, giving rise to contrasting and even contradictory disposi-tional configurations, including "patriotism" in consciousness and in mass behavior, which requires a rather subtle methodological and scientific-disciplinary nuance.
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Each historical epoch, each new format of human communication (κοινωνία), which, according to Aristotle, is the essence of human community (polity), encourages everyone interested in this issue to turn to the fundamental grounds of knowledge about politics; again and again to think over their (groun ... ds) significance for modernity. The purpose of this study is based on the desire to discover and point out some of the "bottlenecks" of Aristotle's classical conclusions, which arise, either as a result of the author's attitude, or because of the interpretations that appear as a result of translation. The work is devoted to the interpretation of Aristotle's method (the dichotomy of the whole and the part, which the philosopher speaks of as the "method" learned by his interlocutors earlier). We aim to explain to what extent this method is applicable not within the framework of the policy, limited by its own chronotope (historical time-space), but in the format of a modern state. We use the dialogic form of political reflection in the presentation of the main material of the article. We have identified the following propositions as conclusions. Firstly, the whole should be sought not in plurality or in a certain set of changing features, that is, it is impossible to endow variables with this quality. Secondly, the political whole is not a state (plurality) and not a citizen (singular), but statehood, which combines both principles - collective and individual.
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The authors of the article adopt an integrative approach to understanding civic identity of an individual, a mental formation deemed vitally important at the current stage of society development. Civic identity is viewed through the prism of a number of social sciences, political science in the firs ... t place, as an individual and social development of personality in the context of globalism and the socio-cultural transformation of the Russian society. The integrative approach allows civic identity to be defined as a transdisciplinary phenomenon characterized by a combination of the cognitive, value-motivational and activity-related components. The research findings convince that the harmonious development of the above components provides for avoidance of a personal crisis of civic identity and determines the positive development of civil society as a whole. According to the authors, it is essential to develop a state-public system for the formation of civic identity, taking into account the peculiarities of its structure and integrative nature as well as the specifics of mentality and the nature of relationship between the state and its citizens. The integration of political knowledge with the results of research into the process of identification produced by other social sciences leads the authors to build a phenomenological model of civic identity formation in the era of world globalism and sociocultural change. The synthesis of ideas generated by the humanities in the phenomenological paradigm makes it possible to present civic identity as a dynamic political concept included in the social, political and cultural contexts of contemporary Russian society.
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The article is based on an in-depth study of the contemporary foreign policy activities of the Russian Federation to ensure the national security of its citizens. Threats often arise from globalization and the West's desire to gain economic, military and political advantages in the international are ... na. The Russian Federation is expanding its strategic priorities, creating new conditions to ensure security at different levels, but the most important remain the protection of the country and the well-being of its people. State policy in the sphere of national security and socio-economic development of the Russian Federation contributes to the implementation of strategic national priorities and effective protection of national interests. A stable foundation is being actively created for further increasing the economic, political, military and spiritual power of the Russian Federation, increasing its role in the emerging polycentric world, as the development of national security system is necessary in the future - for the protection of national interests of the state. The work provides a detailed analysis of the essence of political processes and their specific development in conditions of turbulent international relations. In addition, the study presents the characteristics of the main directions of modern political processes in the field of national security of Russia, through the prism of Russian-Belarusian relations.
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The research is devoted to the study of China’s strategy of interaction with the Central Asian states. Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan continue to attract great powers with their abundant natural resources, advantageous geographical location, and geographical proximit ... y to Russia, Iran, China. The purpose of this work is to identify the goals of the PRC in the region at the present stage and the methods used to achieve them. The works of predominantly Western researchers were chosen as sources, since the West analyzes in detail China’s foreign and domestic political activities, its competitor for influence in this region. The methods of comparative analysis (comparison of the instruments of influence used by China and the West and their interests) and comparative historical analysis (identification of the features of Chinese policy in Central Asia over the past 20 years) were used. As a result, we have the following conclusions: the Central Asian republics will remain the place of struggle for external players seeking to gain access to its resources and levers of influence on its national elites and influencing the economic, informational, ideological, and cyber spaces. That is, the rivalry between external actors has a hybrid nature, which makes it difficult to pursue an independent policy. Thus, the Central Asian republics need to attentively monitor the activities of such non-state and state actors which are associated with external financing and influence. It is important to strive for genuine cooperation between the Central Asian states and their closest neighbors, so as not to become a tool in the hands of external actors seeking to increase their own well-being.
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The article analyzes the views of the military-political leadership of the United States and NATO on the development of modern world political processes for the period up to 2030. The purpose of this study is to review the main provisions of strategic planning documents by the world's leading actors ... involved in these processes. The article uses methods of foreign policy and strategic analysis, a comparative (comparative) method and a systematic approach. Other scientific methods used in the study were structural and functional analysis to study the structural components of the world's leading centers of power, as well as a geopolitical approach. The author of the article came to the conclusion that the United States defines itself only as a global power with global interests. The United States has actually reanimated the policy of dividing lines, now not only in Europe, as it was in the time of G. Truman, but also at the global level, contrasting itself and its satellites with the rest of the world community. The key goal of NATO is to ensure collective defense based on the 360-degree approach. The Concept defines three main tasks of the Alliance: deterrence and defense; crisis prevention and crisis management; security based on cooperation. According to the authors of the Concept, these tasks complement each other in order to ensure the collective defense and security of all Member States. The analysis of the above documents indicates a new stage of understanding and strategic planning of the activities of the military-political bloc of NATO, led by the United States, as well as their own, focused on active participation in the transformation of the modern world order and the restoration of their leading role in the world community.
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After September 11, 2001, the terrorist threat in the United States was called the leading threat to peace and order, and a real irreconcilable war was declared against terrorism itself. However, as it turned out, the policy of double standards has led to the fact that the topic of combating interna ... tional terrorism has become the subject of various political speculations, further complicating the already fragile international world order. As political history shows, political terrorism is a kind of political practices of States prone to violence and extremist type of thinking. At the heart of such threats is the purposeful injection of fear, which can negatively affect the enemy, demoralizing and paralyzing his will and ability to think and react adequately. Political terrorism itself has several degrees of manifestation – ranging from simple threats and blackmail, to outright violent actions designed to physically destroy the enemy. And politicians with this type of thinking and behavior do not even hide their intentions, feeling their complete impunity. Aggressive foreign policy always carries destructiveness and is aimed at destroying the stability of the enemy, destroying his positive image and forming a negative agenda for the enemies. This article is devoted to the analysis of this political problem.
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The article reveals the complex problem of the geopolitical potential of national identity in ensuring the societal security of modern Russia. The author uses an interdisciplinary research methodology (social philosophy, political philosophy, philosophy of history), and also substantiates the method ... ological necessity of correcting the classical approach to understanding societal security and developing an integral - "state-social" approach that takes into account the role of the state as a significant social subject of security and construction national identity. The socio-ontological foundations of the author's approach are the historical processes of deglobalization, the "collapse of multiculturalism" and the strengthening of the role of states-civilizations in the formation of a new multipolar world. The article discusses the special geopolitical position and historical role of Russia in the post-Soviet space, as well as the specifics of its formation as a multi-(over) national state with a unique national identity, including civil and cultural-historical levels. The author defends the idea that the unique ability of Russian civilization – the organic existence of many social, ethnic, religious communities, different identities – in a single geographical, political, socio-economic and socio-cultural space – is the most important geopolitical resource of national identity, ensuring the societal security of Russia as a subject of the post-Soviet and global geopolitical space. In conclusion, the author's vision of the main aspects of the geopolitical potential of national identity in ensuring the societal security of modern Russia is presented.
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Language as a unique cultural phenomenon, as a socio-cultural medium of human interaction, at the present stage of civilizational development in conditions of large-scale introduction of information and communication technologies into all spheres of life, has acquired the status of the main instrume ... ntal means of implementing power strategies in the culture of modern political systems. The relevance of the problem under study is to identify strategies for influencing the consciousness and behavior of the masses used by politicians in modern culture. Language and information perform not only cognitive, communicative, informational and translational functions, but in the hands of politicians they become a powerful force of influence on the collective consciousness and behavior of the masses. In the culture of political systems, thanks to the possibilities of information and communication and network technologies, various ways of influencing consciousness are actively used. The methodological basis of the research was socio-cultural, phenomenological, approaches, general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, generalization). As a source base, the works of well-known domestic and foreign authors who actualize the studied problems are analyzed. As part of the study, conclusions were drawn and proposals were made to minimize the negative impact of power strategies on the collective consciousness.
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